By Donna Lee, Rorden Wilkinson
After the realm exchange Organization’s (WTO) serious December 2005 Hong Kong ministerial assembly, negotiations to enforce the Doha improvement time table (DDA) broke down thoroughly in the summertime of 2006. This booklet bargains an in depth and demanding assessment of ways and why the negotiations arrived at this aspect and what the longer term holds for the WTO.
It brings jointly top students within the box of exchange from around the social sciences who tackle the foremost matters at stake, the primary avid gamers within the negotiations, the position of equity and legitimacy within the Doha around, and the customers for the DDA’s conclusion.
The WTO after Hong Kong is the main entire account of the present nation of the realm alternate association and may be of large curiosity to scholars of alternate politics, foreign companies, improvement and foreign political economy.
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Extra info for The WTO after Hong Kong: Progress in, and prospects for, the Doha Development Agenda (Race & Politics)
It was not just agriculture that made it unique. The endless foot-dragging by the EC to prevent a launch was reinforced by the opposition of a group of developing countries – tagged the G10 hardliners and led by Brazil and India – which wanted to prevent a trade round not because of agriculture but because of the so-called ‘new issues’ of services, intellectual property, and investment. They feared that these were essentially domestic policies and would constrict their industrial policy domain.
Concessions can be offered in services to offset concessions offered in agriculture. Thus progress in services could be the key bargaining mechanism to achieve an overall agreement in the Doha Round. Interestingly, although Hoekman and Mattoo argue that the WTO ‘is not and should not become a development organisation’, they see the services negotiations providing opportunities to address development issues if the talks can address issues 16 Rorden Wilkinson and Donna Lee beyond the traditional market access agenda.
This was followed by the new European Community’s (EC) Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) and its vast and growing subsidies. But since GATT rules for agriculture were looser than for other industries, many governments chose to ignore them – as, for example, did Japan in devising its wide range of restrictions. So agriculture was excluded for the first seven GATT negotiations. All that changed in the eighth negotiation, the Uruguay Round. The Americans had tolerated the CAP in its early days for political reasons (largely because of the Cold War alliance) but, as US exports to the EC diminished and as EC exports flourished and, indeed, Trade, development, and the Doha Development Agenda 27 penetrated the American market, anger at the ‘unfair competition’ of subsidised products exploded.