By Liliana R. Goldín
For greater than a decade, Liliana Goldín saw in highland cities either the intensification of assorted varieties of construction and their becoming hyperlinks to wider markets. during this first ebook to check financial ideology throughout a number construction platforms, she examines how humans make a dwelling and the way they consider their innovations, practices, and constraints. Drawing on interviews and surveys—even retellings of conventional narratives—she unearths how modern Maya reply to the more and more globalized but in the neighborhood circumscribed stipulations during which they work.
Goldín offers 4 case reports: cottage industries dedicated to garment construction, vegetable becoming for inner and border markets reached via direct trade, plants grown for export, and salary exertions in garment meeting factories. by way of evaluating generational and gendered ameliorations between staff, she finds not just complexities of swap but additionally how those complexities arereflected in altering attitudes, understandings, and aspirations that signify people’s fiscal ideology. additional, she indicates that as rural humans tackle different financial actions, in addition they reinterpret their perspectives on such concerns as accumulation, cooperation, festival, department of work, and neighborhood solidarity.
Global Maya explores worldwide methods in neighborhood phrases, revealing the interaction of conventional values, family economics, and the inescapable stipulations of demographic progress, a shrinking land base, and a world economic system constantly trying to find affordable hard work. It bargains a wealth of latest insights not just for Maya students but additionally for someone taken with the results of globalization at the 3rd World.
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Additional info for Global Maya: Work and Ideology in Rural Guatemala
Ehlers describes the household as containing two distinct production/consumption agendas, one male and one female. A detailed study of expenditures for Santa María Cauqué, Santiago Sacatepéquez,33 confirmed Ehlers observations. The study suggested that internal distribution of income depends on the household’s type of economic strategy. 5 percent of the households, the women were in charge of controlling and administering the common fund or major household fund, which included the men’s income.
First, respondents are reluctant to discuss their economic resources, and hence direct questioning is almost impossible. ). 41 First, after the structured interviews were completed, the interviewers made a subjective judgment as to the economic status of the respondent, based on all the information they had available. , the amount of land the individual owned and/or rented in or rented out, vehicles owned, animals owned, products gl oba l h igh l a n d s 39 sold at market and how much, tax expenses, dress and food expenses, fertilizer expenses, existence of a bank account), as well as other personal knowledge the interviewer had from living in the township or his/her familiarity with the region.
For example, folklorists have identified origin stories that are found everywhere, with fascinating and often intriguing historical roots. We can hear why a town was moved from one place to another, as in the cases of specific saints who refused to settle in some areas and kept returning to certain sites where they wanted a church built. These accounts can be related to the actual reunion of towns initiated by Spanish authorities in the ec onom ic ideol o g y i n c u lt u r e 45 seventeenth century to improve control and taxation over dispersed rural areas.