By Laura Robson
Drawing on a wealthy base of British archival fabrics, Arabic periodicals, and secondary resources, Colonialism and Christianity in Mandate Palestine brings to mild the ways that the British colonial nation in Palestine exacerbated sectarianism. through remodeling Muslim, Christian, and Jewish spiritual identities into criminal different types, Laura Robson argues, the British eventually marginalized Christian groups in Palestine. Robson explores the turning issues that built because of such rules, a lot of which ended in everlasting alterations within the region's political landscapes. circumstances contain the British refusal to aid Arab Christian management inside Greek-controlled Orthodox church buildings, makes an attempt to stay away from involvement from French or Vatican-related teams by way of sidelining Latin and japanese ceremony Catholics, and interfering with Arab Christians' efforts to cooperate with Muslims in objecting to Zionist growth. not easy the frequent yet flawed idea that violent sectarianism used to be endemic to Palestine, Colonialism and Christianity in Mandate Palestine exhibits that it used to be deliberately stoked within the wake of British rule starting in 1917, with catastrophic results good into the twenty-first century.
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Additional info for Colonialism and Christianity in Mandate Palestine
77 Hajjar returned to his diocese in 1919 and threw himself back into the life of the Catholic communities in Haifa, establishing a school named after himself. The early years of the mandate saw him emerge as a political figure, a pro-Arab nationalist, and a fervent opponent of Zionism. As an official representative of the church, he thought carefully about what it meant to be a minority in an Islamic context and concluded that it had no political ramifications except when external forces—the European powers and the Zionists—conspired to divide Palestinian society by sect.
81 The internationalization of their intellectual world extended not just to Europe but also to the anti-imperial and nationalist movements brewing in other parts of the colonized world. In late Ottoman Palestine, then, membership in an Arab Christian community could indicate certain social, economic, and political ties but did not dictate political positions or a particular relationship to the state; it was only one among a number of identities that shaped the nature of these elites’ political and social engagement.
At the peace negotiations he lobbied for European support for an independent Arab state with Damascus as its capital, citing earlier British promises of Arab independence in return for wartime military assistance in the form of the Arab Revolt. During the period 1918– 1920 the members of al-Muntada al-Adabi became passionately committed to the idea of Palestine’s inclusion in Faysal’s proposed kingdom. Using a political rhetoric honed in Istanbul and Damascus, they fused concepts of panArabism and anti-Zionism to support Faysal’s bid for authority over a new Greater Syrian nation—vigorously opposing the idea of putting Palestine and Syria under a British and French “mandate,” which they viewed (accurately) as a euphemism for colonial control.