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By Mika Kizu (auth.)

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In fact, Hoji (1990) claims that the real dichotomy of movement and base-generation comes from whether topic phrases contain a case/prepositional marker. I discuss this issue in ‘Properties of movement’, p. 24. The next subsection will show that topic constructions basically involve movement regardless of the functional difference. Apparent island constraint violation If Japanese has only one type of topic in syntax, how do we account for the facts that topic constructions sometimes involve movement but sometimes do not?

The next subsection will show that topic constructions basically involve movement regardless of the functional difference. Apparent island constraint violation If Japanese has only one type of topic in syntax, how do we account for the facts that topic constructions sometimes involve movement but sometimes do not? 13,14 An obvious problem for this analysis would be sentences like (2), where a topic construction violates island constraints, and yet, the sentences are grammatical. However, as will be shown below, this problem is only apparent.

Crucially, this reading is obtained only when daremo-ga ‘everyone-NOM’ is outside the RC. This is schematically illustrated in an LF representation in (24)a, and (24)b is a structure at LF where daremo-ga occurs as the subject inside the RC: (24) a IP everyonei b IP ti IP IP IP I’ RC proi wearing suit I’ RC VP everyonei I VP I IP ti wearing Assuming that the quantifier is generated as a major subject, it adjoins to the IP by quantifier raising, as illustrated in (24)a. Under this configuration, the quantifier takes scope over the whole sentence.

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