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By Guy Debord

Of the 3 self sustaining texts by means of man Debord integrated right here, have been first released as pamphlets, whereas the 3rd was once written in 1971 for inclusion in a projected 13th factor of the Situationist International's magazine which by no means seemed as a result of group's dissolution.

Despite the seeming range of the topics discussed—the Watts riots in ‘The Decline and Fall of the “Spectacular” Commodity-Economy’ (1965); the disintegration of bureaucratic energy in ‘The Explosion element of Ideology in China’ (1967); pollutants and its illustration in ‘A in poor health Planet’ (1971)—all 3 texts care for the various varieties of the ‘spectacle’ and its repercussions. And regardless of the dates in their composition, all 3 stay startlingly correct today.

—Alice Debord, 2004

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Example text

So is the rest of the popula­ tion, but blacks differ insofar as they are aware of it. In this sense they are not the most backward 25 GUY DEBORD sector of their society but the most advanced. They are negation at work-'the bad side that produces the movement which makes history by setting up a struggle' (Marx, The Poverty of Philos­ ophy, 184 7). Africa has nothing to do with it. American blacks are as much a product of modern industry as electronics, advertising or the cyclotron. They carry its contradictions within them.

In point of fact, the only question worth debating seriously is why and how the ruling class could have broken into two opposing camps. distils everything admirable . . that one is supposed to applaud and passively consume into the ideological realm and, in extreme instances, into a single man'. Here the fusion of the spectator and the contem­ plated image would seem to have achieved perfection in policing. Because the Chinese bureaucracy some time later chose to go beyond even this degree of spectacular concentration, it ended up by exploding the machine.

The most obtuse accept the notion that there really was something 'cultural' about the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution­ or at least they did so untilJanuary [1967], when the Maoist press played a dirty trick on them by admitting that 'from the outset it was a power struggle'. In point of fact, the only question worth debating seriously is why and how the ruling class could have broken into two opposing camps. distils everything admirable . . that one is supposed to applaud and passively consume into the ideological realm and, in extreme instances, into a single man'.

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